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Time was, it was easy to spot gender discrimination in
the corporate world. A respected female executive
would lose a promotion to a male colleague with less
experience, for instance, or a talented female manager
would find herself demoted after her maternity leave.
Today such blatant cases are rare; they’ve been wiped
out by laws and by organizations’ increased awareness
that they have nothing to gain, and much to lose, by
keeping women out of positions of authority.
That doesn’t mean, however, that gender inequity has
vanished. It has just gone underground. Today discrimination
against women lingers in a plethora of work practices
and cultural norms that only appear unbiased. They
are common and mundane—and woven into the fabric
of an organization’s status quo—which is why most people
don’t notice them, let alone question them. But they
create a subtle pattern of systemic disadvantage, which
blocks all but a few women from career advancement.
For an example of this modern-day gender inequity,
take the case of a global retail company based in Europe
that couldn’t figure out why it had so few women in
senior positions and such high turnover among women
in its middle-manager ranks. The problem was particularly
vexing because the company’s executives publicly
touted their respect for women and insisted they wanted
the company to be “a great place for women to work.”
Despite its size, the company had a strong entrepreneurial
culture. Rules and authority were informal;
people were as casual about their schedules as they were
about the dress code. Meetings were routinely canceled
and regularly ran late. Deadlines were ignored because
they constantly shifted, and new initiatives arose so frequently
that people thought nothing of interrupting one
another or declaring crises that demanded immediate
attention.
The company’s cultural norms grew from its manner
of conducting business. For instance, managers were
expected to be available at all times to attend delayed or
emergency meetings. And these meetings themselves followed
certain norms. Because roles and authority at the
company were ambiguous, people felt free to make suggestions
—even decisions—about any area of the company
that interested them. A manager in charge of window
displays, for example, might very well recommend
a change in merchandising, or vice versa. To prevent
changes in their own area from being made without their
input, managers scrambled to attend as many meetings
as possible. They had to in order to protect their turf.
The company’s norms made it extraordinarily diffi-
cult for everyone—women and men—to work effectively.
But they were particularly pernicious for women for two
reasons. First, women typically bear a disproportionate
amount of responsibility for home and family and thus
have more demands on their time outside the office.
Women who worked set hours—even if they spanned ten
hours a day—ended up missing essential conversations
and important plans for new products. Their circumscribed
schedules also made them appear less committed
than their male counterparts. In most instances, that
was not the case, but the way the company operated day
to day—its very system—made it impossible to prove
otherwise.
The meetings themselves were run in a way that put
women in a double bind. People often had to speak up to
defend their turf, but when women did so, they were vili-
fied. They were labeled “control freaks”; men acting the
same way were called “passionate.” As one female executive
told us, “If you stick your neck out, you’re dead.”
A major investment firm provides another example of
how invisible—even unintentional—gender discrimination
thrives in today’s companies. The firm sincerely
wanted to increase the number of women it was hiring
from business schools. It reasoned it would be able to
hire more women if it screened more women, so it
increased the number of women interviewed during
recruiting visits to business school campuses. The
change, however, had no impact. Why? Because, the 30
minutes allotted for each interview—the standard practice
at most business schools—was not long enough for
middle-aged male managers, who were conducting the
vast majority of the interviews, to connect with young
female candidates sufficiently to see beyond their
directly relevant technical abilities. Therefore, most
women were disqualified from the running. They hadn’t
had enough time to impress their interviewer.
The Roots of Inequity
The barriers to women’s advancement in organizations
today have a relatively straightforward cause. Most organizations
have been created by and for men and are
based on male experiences. Even though women have
entered the workforce in droves in the past generation,
and it is generally agreed that they add enormous value,
organizational definitions of competence and leadership
are still predicated on traits stereotypically associated
with men: tough, aggressive, decisive. And even though
many households today have working fathers and mothers,
most organizations act as if the historical division of
household labor still holds—with women primarily
responsible for matters of the hearth. Outdated or not,
those realities drive organizational life. Therefore, the
global retail company was able to develop a practice of
late and last-minute meetings because most men can be
available 15 hours a day. The investment firm developed
a practice of screening out women candidates because
men, who were doing most of the interviewing, naturally
bond with other men. In other words, organizational
practices mirror societal norms.
That the “problem with no name” arises from a malebased
culture does not mean that men are to blame. In
fact, our perspective on gender discrimination does not
presume intent, and it certainly does not assume that all
men benefit from the way work is currently organized.
Lots of companies run by men are working hard to create
a fair environment for both sexes. And many men do
not embrace the traditional division of labor; some men
surely wish the conventions of a Father Knows Best world
would vanish.
Men, then, are not to blame for the pervasive gender
inequity in organizations today—but neither are women.
And yet our research shows that ever since gender
inequity came onto the scene as one of business’s big
problems, women have blamed themselves. That feeling
has been reinforced by managers who have tried to solve
the problem by fixing women. Indeed, over the past 30-
odd years, organizations have used three approaches to
rout gender discrimination, each one implying that
women are somehow to blame because they “just don’t
fit in.”
Tall People in a Short World
To describe the three approaches, we like to use a
metaphor that replaces gender with height. Imagine,
therefore, a world made by and for short people. In this
world, everyone in power is under five-foot-five, and the
most powerful are rarely taller than five-foot-three. Now
imagine that after years of discrimination, tall people
finally call for change—and short people agree that the
current world is unfair and amends should be made.
Short people first try to right things by teaching tall
people to act like short people—to minimize their differences
by stooping to fit in the doorways, for example, or
by hunching over to fit in the small chairs in the conference
room. Once tall people learn these behaviors, short
people insist, they will fit right in.
Some short people take another approach to routing
discrimination: they make their world more accommodating
to tall people by fixing some of the structural barriers
that get in their way. They build six-foot-high doors
in the back of the building and purchase desks that don’t
knock tall people’s knees. They even go so far as to create
some less demanding career paths—tall-people tracks—
for those who are unwilling or unable to put up with the
many realities of the short world that just can’t be
changed.
Other short people take a third approach: they celebrate
the differences of their tall associates. Tall people
stand out in a crowd, short people say, and they can reach
things on high shelves. Let’s recognize the worth of those
skills and put them to good use! And so the short people
“create equity” by putting tall people in jobs where their
height is an advantage, like working in a warehouse or
designing brand extensions targeted to tall people.
Those three approaches should sound familiar to anyone
who has been involved in the many gender initiatives
proliferating in the corporate world. Companies
that take the first approach encourage women to assimilate
—to adopt more masculine attributes and learn the
“games their mothers never taught them.” Thus, HR
departments train women in assertive leadership, decision
making, and even golf. Male colleagues take women
to their lunch clubs, coach them on speaking up more in
meetings, and suggest they take “tough guy” assignments
in factories or abroad.
Companies that take the second approach accommodate
the unique needs and situations of women. Many
offer formal mentoring programs to compensate for
women’s exclusion from informal networks. Others add
alternative career tracks or an extra year on the tenure
clock to help women in their childbearing years. Still others
offer extended maternity leave, flexible work arrangements,
even rooms for nursing infants.
In the third approach, companies forgo assimilation
and accommodation and instead emphasize the differences
that women bring to the workplace. They institute
sensitivity training to help male managers appreciate
traditionally “feminine” activities or styles, such as listening
and collaborating. And they eagerly put women’s
assumed differences to work by channeling them into
jobs where they market products to women or head up
HR initiatives.
All of these approaches have helped advance women’s
equity in the corporate world. But by now they have gone
about as far as they can.
Why? Because they proffer
solutions that deal with the
symptoms of gender
inequity rather than the
sources of inequity itself.
Take the first approach.
While many female executives
can now play golf and
have used relationships
formed on the fairways to
move into positions of greater power, these new skills
will never eradicate the deeply entrenched, systemic
factors within corporations that hold many women back.
The same is true of the second approach of accommodation
through special policies and benefits. It gives
women stilts to play on an uneven playing field, but it
doesn’t flatten out the field itself. So, for example, mentoring
programs may help women meet key people in a company’s
hierarchy, but they don’t change the fact that
informal networks, to which few women are privy, determine
who really gets resources, information, and opportunities.
Launching family-friendly programs doesn’t
challenge the belief that balancing home and work is fundamentally
a woman’s problem. And adding time to a
tenure clock or providing alternative career tracks does
little to change the expectation that truly committed
employees put work first—they need no accommodation.
The limits of the third approach are also clear. Telling
people to “value differences” doesn’t mean they will.
That is why so many women who are encouraged to use
“feminine” skills and styles find their efforts valued only
in the most marginal sense. For example, women are
applauded for holding teams together and are even told,
“we couldn’t have succeeded without you,” but when
promotions and rewards are distributed, they are
awarded to the “rugged individuals” who assertively promoted
their own ideas or came up with a onetime technical
fix. Ultimately, the celebration approach may actually
channel women into dead-end jobs and reinforce
unhelpful stereotypes. |